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By Lise Storm

This e-book explores the political video games of the Moroccan democratization technique within the interval from independence in 1956 till 2006. by means of combining an outstanding measure of political thought with empirical fabric on Morocco, it analyzes the innovations and activities of a few of the political actors and evaluates the extent of democracy found in the rustic after the adoption of latest constitutions in 1962, 1970, 1972, 1980, 1992 and 1996. Lise hurricane demonstrates that during no less than a few situations, democratization has been greater than easily a survival process – infrequently, key figures in the political elite have taken the democratization technique extra than strictly wanted for them to stick in energy. relating to Morocco, it's been the monarch who on multiple social gathering has moved the rustic extra in the direction of the democratic excellent than he inevitably needed to, and that typically even opposed to the desires of 1 or extra of the confirmed political events. This ebook illustrates how the Moroccan political events, like such a lot of in their opposite numbers within the quarter, became the most main issue to additional democratization as so much of them have by no means honoured – or seem to have deserted – the most important functionality of political events: renowned illustration. Democratization in Morocco should be a really helpful contribution to scholars and researchers drawn to the dynamics at the back of the Moroccan democratization and the position of electoral politics in North African and center japanese politics.

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Additional resources for Democratization in Morocco: The Political Elite and Struggles for Power in the Post-Independence State (Routledge Studies in Middle Eastern Politics)

Sample text

12 The preference of the Istiqlal was status quo dictatorship, where the party itself and the monarchy continued to be the dominant players, rather than a broadened dictatorship in which the MP or any other party might also become powerful actors. The King, on the other hand, was in a different position to the Istiqlal and accordingly had quite different preferences. 14 In other words, it seemed as if Hassan II preferred to broaden the regime and make it more inclusive, rather than continue status quo with the Istiqlal, and therefore decided to open up the system and introduce political competition at a time where he was in absolute control of the process, rather than run the risk of waiting.

First, the 28 Government after independence new constitution maintained the principle of the use of electoral colleges, and hence, the existence of indirectly elected members of parliament. Consequently, under the 1970 constitution, the directly elected members of parliament continued to share their legislative powers with those who were indirectly elected. Second, and much more importantly, the 1970 constitution’s reduction in the number of houses in parliament from one to two meant that government would be formed on the basis of the strength of the parties of only one house, a house which was composed of both directly and indirectly elected members.

Independence had not come as an unexpected surprise to most Moroccans; the country had long been in a fierce struggle of resistance against the French and the Spanish, yet seven years passed before the first constitution was adopted, and it took the country’s leadership eight years to prepare for the first parliamentary elections. The dominant factor behind the delay of these political openings was the battle for power between the two major heroes of the independence struggle: the monarchy personified by Mohammed V and the Istiqlal.

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